Dan Shoom, Kingston IS, Five Part Series on NAFTA Part 4 ------ Confusion is an understandable response for anyone who followed the debate over the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in the United States. While the pro-NAFTA side was a virtual who's who of the American ruling class, the opposition was an odd assortment of labour and environmentalists plus populist, xenophobic right-wingers. The so-called export of American jobs to Mexico was the main reason for the AFL-CIO, the American trade union federation, to oppose NAFTA. Fear of losing one's job is widespread today in the U.S., just as in Canada. This fear can be directed towards a fight against our bosses, right-wing politicians, and their corporate agenda. But it can also be directed towards a racist anti-immigrant sentiment, and blaming Mexicans, Japanese and other foreigners for 'stealing our jobs'. Opposition to NAFTA included both sentiments. Both were present, in fact, within organized labour. Solidarity with Mexican workers, and anti-immigrant, anti-Mexican racism were common at anti-NAFTA events organized by American unions. Ross Perot, a right-wing populist, picked up on this racist sentiment when he spoke of a "great sucking sound" of American jobs being sucked into Mexico. He tried to shift anti-NAFTA sentiment into an America-first direction. His United We Stand America organization is also presently campaigning for "immigration reform" in Texas, and they don't mean opening borders. Perot's nationalism and implied racism became explicit with Patrick Buchanan. Sara Diamond, in Z Magazine, writes "Buchanan's anti-NAFTA writings employ left-sounding terms to make a case for xenophobia. He charges a "ruling class," "power elite" and "corporate elites" with using NAFTA to break down national boundaries, thereby blurring distinctions between cultures." While the threat of job loss is very real, jobs will be lost in all three countries. Mexican farmers and steel workers, for example, will be put out of work as American exports to Mexico increase with the dropping of trade barriers. Yet no one speaks of the sucking sound of these jobs leaving Mexico. That NAFTA is a threat to workers in all three countries is being realized by a growing internationalist section of the NAFTA opposition. National coalitions of NAFTA's foes now regularly hold 'tri-national' meetings. However, groups like the Action Canada Network, the Fair Trade Campaign, and Red Mexicana de Accion Frente al Libre Comercio (Mexican Action Network on Free Trade) see their struggles as aimed at preserving the powers of national governments to regulate business for the good of their communities. Maude Barlow, national chair of the Council of Canadians, calls this 'internationalist nationalism'. Socialists should applaud this growing awareness of the need to struggle internationally. We should, nevertheless, work to build a true internationalism which sees the struggles as the same. This minority sentiment can be heard in this quote from Larry Weiss, a organizer for the Fair Trade Campaign in Minnesota who has spoken to dozens of union meeting about NAFTA: "I expected that someplace along the line in these meetings I was going to get some sort of racist reaction about 'these damn Mexicans taking our jobs. But I've never heard any of that. Instead, there was this astounding, immediate affinity - a recognition that the material conditions of these people in other countries are directly related to our own conditions and that unless theirs is brought up, ours will continue to decline." For socialists it is this internationalist sentiment that we should relate to and foster. But we should be as critical of anti-immigrant and anti-Mexican racism as we are of NAFTA, itself.