From detcom@sprynet.com Sun May 12 12:33:08 1996
Date: Sun, 12 May 1996 09:55:20 GMT
From: detcom@sprynet.com
Newsgroups: alt.politics.socialism.mao
Subject: RIM CHARLATANS Part 1 (by LUIS ARCE BORJA)

Trappist Monks Turn Into Village Charlatans
ANOTHER SOMERSAULT OF THE CIRCUS TUMBLERS OF RIM

by LUIS ARCE BORJA

The leadership of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM)
has published a new document on Peru.  This text was issued on 28
March (95) this year under the bombastic title: 'Let Us All Rally to
the Defense of Our Red Flag Flying in Peru'.  The statement from RIM
is nothing more than a vulgar trick aimed at deceiving the unaware and
adopting for themselves the pose of consistent internationalist
revolutionaries.  The content of this document is not merely an error
of analysis.  Objectively, it is the political expression of an
opportunist line trying to smuggle harmful ideas around the problems
of the People's War and the so called 'Peace agreement' fraud.

This statement clearly shows again that the leaders of RIM are
persisting in veering towards callous opportunist positions.  Neither
their rhetorical flourish, not their bedraggled chattering, can hide
their close association with the capitulators and turncoats who have 
deserted the People's War in Peru.  The statement has two aspects, 
on one level it swings from self-redicule to comic relief.   On the
other, it is  also rather tendentious.   Therefore, we must forcefully

rebuke it .


There is a comic aspect - anthological, really:  When the RIM clique
calls people to arms in 'Defense of the People's War' and in 'struggle

against the erroneous line in support of the Peruvian revolution and
the Central Committee of the PCP'.  They put out this call after 
nearly two years from the moment that the struggle against Fujimori's
fraud began  (October 1993).  This is to be like someone finally 
volunteering to fight against the Hitler regime in 1947.

Like in the novel of Gabriel Garcia Marquez, One Hundred Years of 
Solitude, time seems to have stood still under the feet of the RIM
leaders.  Unperturbed, they took up their positions to observe the 
struggle led by the PCP to smash the so called 'peace letters' fraud
and their inspirers.  Comfortably seated in their theatre boxes,
>from  time to time they mumbled aloud:  Long Live Chairman Gonzalo!. 
>From  the top of the fence they stood ready to jump onto the side of
the winners once the battle was over.  Their squeals in 'support of
the People's War and the Central Committee' are but vulgar hoopla. 
Their aim is to bequile the political parties and groups that have
strongly criticised the conciliating oposition of the leaders of 
RIM.

These 'courageous communists' only decide to take up this struggle 
when, both in Peru and abroad, the police agents and their 
capitulationists partners have already died a natural death.  They
only take up this struggle when the fraud aimed at splitting the 
PCP has already been buried by the avalanche of the People's War
itself.

Here is another pearl deserving to feature in the most hilarious 
vaudeville sketch:  Now, and as if they were making a momentous 
discovery, the leaders of RIM say:  'The proposal for a peace
agreement to end the war can only lead to opportunism' .

No, gentlemen of RIM, the 'peace agreement' is not merely opportunism.

More than anything else, it is a police fraud, it is part and parcel 
of US low intensity warfare and a despicable counter-revolutionary
action.  It is not, as you claim, something 'leading into
opportunism'.

On the contrary, it is the opportunists themselves the ones who have 
clambered aboard the broken down hearse of Fujimori's secret police.
These opportunists, who RIM depicts as followers of an 'erroneous
line',  are the top representatives of the 'black gang' denounced by
the Communist Party of Peru.  They are umbillically linked to the
political police.

Moreover, unlike you, the most stupid and unaware of all politicians,
would hardly have needed two years to fiind out the reactionary 
character of the 'peace letters' .  Any political illiterate would
have done better than the leaders of RIM.  He would have easily
understood that the 'peace agreement' was a monstrous fabrication
designed by US imperialism and not merely an 'eroneous line'

SOME BACKGROUND NOTES FOR THE BENEFIT OF OUR READERS

As an introduction to our critique of RIM's document, we would first
put to our readers a brief account of the most relevant facts of the 
struggle against the 'peace agreement' :

On 1 October 1993, the Fujimori regime, in cahoots with US imperialism

started to publicise the 'peace letters'.  According to the
imperialist propaganda, these letters were written and signed by
Chairman Gonzalo.   Immediately, on 7 October 1993, the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP) issued a statement
rejecting all kinds of government frauds.  The CC reiterated the PCP's
commitment to the continuation of the People's War.

Abroad, diverse groups, parties and political organisations supporting
the Peruvian revolution, including El Diario Internacional, began a 
firm struggle the capitulators and police agents propagandising the 
'peace agreement' .  The PCP later elaborated on this problem by means
of various statements and resolutions.  In these documents the Party 
characterised the 'peace letters' as a sinister police fraud aimed at 
splitting the Party and assassinating Chairman Gonzalo, among
other objectives.  What was the position of the leaders of RIM during
the development of the struggle?:  As everybody knows, they kept
silent like Trappist Monks.  They were unable to speak in any 
language and stubbornly refused to take up a position concerning the 
counter-revolutionary fraud.  To explain away their silence, they kept

repeating like sick parrots:  'We are undergoing a process of 
investigations' .

Under cover of their silence, they went on to act in complicity with
the enemies of the Peruvian revolution.  They banned distribution of
the official documents of the Communist Party of Peru, principally 
those rejecting the 'peace letter' and guiding the struggle against 
this fraud.  They also initiated a boycott against El Diario 
Internacional, ordering their mignons in certain groups in the
USA, Mexico and other countries not to distribute this newspaper.

They absolutely ignored all international events and mobilisations 
spearheaded against Fujimori's fraud.  Some organisms dependent of
the leadership of the RIM, began a campaign to propagate the documents

issued by the capitulatonists' gang supporting 'negotiations' with 
Fujimori.

On the pretext of carrying out 'investigations'  the RIM leaders
held several clandestine meetings with those promoting the 'peace 
agreement'.  Stockholm and London were the venues for the joint
scheming of the RIM leaders and the capitulationists in Europe.
Some activists of RIM took part in public events organized by the
promoter of the 'peace agreement'.

Glossing over this problem, and on the pretext of 'not giving 
ammunition to the enemy', the RIM leaders attempted to smother 
the struggle aginst the ringleaders of capitulation abroad.  They
carried out several attempts at hampering the struggle against the 
counter-revolutionary elements.

Here,  at the offices of El Diario, we were sent a note from the 
International Emergency Committee (IEC) .  In this note they 
suggested that we should abstain from intervention in the 'peace 
letters' affairs, and counselled as 'the best method to carry out
this debate':  They dragged out their tired old argument of 'not 
being irresponsible in dealing with this problem' and that 'one
should first investigate' .  In that period, the usurpers of the
Peru People's Movement (MPPs) serving the regime and its secret
police, had not better objective allies than the RIM leaders.

Finally, in November 1994, after more than a year had elapsed, 
the leaders of RIM, put out two semi-clandestiine documents.  
The content of both documents clearly summed up the eclectic and 
conciliating position of the 'investigators' of RIM.  In those 
statements they gave a synthesis of their 'profound and wise 
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist investigation':  They alleged that the
'peace letters'  were not a police plot, but rather 'a two-line
struggle within the ranks of the PCP' .

They smuggled in the idea that this problem was strictly a 
non-antagonistic contradiction with the people.  They then held
that one should 'treat the sickkness to save the patient'.  In 
practice, this was a call to conciliating with the interests of
the police agents and their stooges the capitulators.

Among other pearls of wisdom, they paraphrased Chairman Mao and 
noted that 'without investigation there is not right to speak'. 
They also held that 'one should not act hastily and irresponsible
in reaching conclusions before understanding the problem.  Without
further explanation they held that the 'peace agreement' was led
by 'a group of people who played an historical leadership role in
the PCP'.  They presented this as a contradictory line' .

In this simple fashion, the leaders of RIM advocated turning the 
police plot of 'peace agreement' into a matter of two line struggle
within the PCP.

WHAT IS NEW IN THE LATEST STATEMENT OF RIM?

This is a long document in which they persist in their bogus
argument of 'two line struggle within the ranks of the PCP' . 
In it the RIM  leaders also clearly reveal elements of their true
game.  The old peruvian sayiing 'the fish is caught by its own 
mouth' fully applies here:

l.  The leaders of RIM say:  "THE MOST SERIOUS DANGER FACING THE
PARTY TODAY IS THE RIGHT-WING OPPORTUNIST LINE AND THE ACTIONS OF ITS 
UPHOLDERS'.  'THE RESOLUTION OF THIS PROBLEM WILL DECIDE THE FUTURE 
DEVELOPMENT OF THE PERUVIAN REVOLUTION'.

Is it true that the most serious danger facing the PCP today is the 
'Right-wing opportunist line' ?  Is it true that the resolution of the

problem would decide the future of the war, as the leaders of RIM
proclaim?

Chairman Gonzalo holds that a Right-wing opportunist line is a
serious danger for the Party and the revolution only when it succeeds
in ESTABLISHING ITSELF WITHIN  the organization.  The danger exists 
since this line aims at carrying out four changes:  1)  Changing the 
character of the Party.  2)  Changing the general political line of
the revolution.  3)  Changing the leadership, especially the General 
Headquarters.  4)  Changing and liquidating the People's War.

We ask this question:  Is this the case of the 'peace letters'?.
The 'peace letters' do not arise from any Party source.  The 
'peace agreement' is fabricated and STRUCTURED in the headquarters
of the National Intelligence Services (SIN) of the Peruvian state
with the help of US experts.  This fraud is THEN combined with the 
participation of capitulationist elements within the prisons who
have no influence whatever in the leadership of the party and 
People's War.  The capitulationists, having become snitches and
police agents, had no possibility of influencing the Party's
militants.

In February 1994, the Central Committee of the PCP referred to this
fact in the following fashion:
"THE PURPORTED LETTERS PRESENTED BY FUJIMORI, THE PURPORTED
INTERNATIONAL TELEPHONE CALL AND ALL LATER SCHEMES ARE NOTHING BUT A
COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY PLOT ENGINEERED BY U.S. IMPERIALISM AND THE MASS
MURDERERS' QUISLING DICTATORSHIP IN COMBINATION WITH THE SINISTER 
ACTIONS OF THE BLACK GANG......UPHOLDING A RIGHT WING OPPORTUNIST 
LINE..... AND COMPOSED OF INFILTRATED AGENTS, TRAITORS,
CAPITULATIONISTS AND OLD REVISIONISTS".

On the other hand, the individuals (the capitulationists) in the
prisons, who went over to work for the police, are separated from
any relationship with the Party's organisations.  Thus, the black
gang and their foreign agents fail in their attempt.   They fail to
take advantage of the police plot to split the Party, destroy the
PCP and the People's War.  It is only within the heads of the 
gentlemen of RIM that these individuals are still perceived as a
danger for the revolution.

IS THERE ANY VALIDITY IN RIM'S ARGUMENT?

If the 'analysis' of RIM is taken seriously, one would conclude
that the plot of 'peace agreement' is still alive and well.  
That this plot continues to cause havoc within the ranks of the
Communist Party of Peru  (PCP) .   One would have to believe that
this continues to be an acute problem within the ranks of the 
Party.  A problem that is still unresolved and that "THE
RESOLUTION OF THIS PROBLEM WILL DECIDE THE DESTINY OF THE REVOLUTION'.

The gentlemen of RIM have the political objective of propagating an
idea:  That in nearly two years of struggle against the 'peace 
agreement' , the Central Committee of the PCP has failed and is 
still unable to defeat the 'right-wing opportunist line' .  This
is a bogus argument revealing a completely subjective viewpoint.  It
is not true that the fraud of 'peace agreement' continues to be a
danger for the advance of the armed struggle in Peru.  Admitting that
this counter-revolutionary plot once threatened the integrity of the
PCP, not one with the most elementary knowledge of Peruvian reality
could think that today this danger persists.

Even the Peruvian 'Senderologists' who most hate the PCP would not
now dare say that the destiny of the war depends upon the success
of the 'peace letters' plot.  On the contrary, most of the official
analysts in peru and abroad recognise today that Fujimori has failed 
in using the letters.  The fraud of 'peace agreement' has lost all its
harmful effects within the PCP and among the masses of the poor in
Peru.  Its counter-revolutionary effect was short lived.

>From  the very moment that the Peruvian regime and U.S. imperialism
began promoting the 'peace letters' ,  the PCP developed a determined 
struggle at the political-ideological and at the military levels to
smash this plot.  Without a doubt, the most powerful weapon for
smashing the imperialist plot and defeating their supporters within
the prisons was the very development of the People's War.

In this respect, it is worth noting the comments of a well known 
"Senderologist' .  This individual, does not, unlike the RIM leaders, 
pretend to be a 'Marxist-Leninist-Maoist' .  However, he shows at
least a greater degree of clarity on the matter.  Analysing the 
consequences of the capture of Chairman Gonzalo and the results of the

psycholgical warfare promoted by means of the 'peace agreement',
Gustavo Gorriti says the following:  "THE CAPTURE OF GUZMAN CAUSED THE
DIFFERENCES, BUT THE ERRORS IN USING THE PRISONERS' LETTERS HELPED THE
RECOMPOSITION (OF THE PCP) ....THAT IS WHAT HAPPENED.  DESPITE SOME
SPECTACULAR ACHIEVEMENTS AND SOME APPARENT SUCCESSES, THE OFFENSIVE
OF THE LETTERS SEEMS NOT ONLY TO HAVE FAILED.  WHAT IS MORE DANGEROUS,
IT HAS COMPROMISED THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE FIRST STAGE.  HOW DANGEROUS

IS SHINING PATH TODAY?  FIRST, IT IS NOT LIQUIDATED, FAR FROM IT......
IT HAS A RECONSTITUTED CENTRAL COMMITTEE WITH EXPERIENCED LEADERS, 
WITH THE CAPACITY TO COOORDINATE ACTIONS .........."  (CARETAS 
MAGAZINE N.- 1312, MAY 1994, PAGES 28-30).

What is then the situation of the 'peace agreement' abroad?  The 
individuals in the leading positions of the Peru People's Movement,
who had climbed aboard the police plot and the hearse of
capitulation, find themselves shunned and totally marginalised. 
They have been spurned by the organizations and political parties
in those countries.

Let us see a few examples:  In Paris, there was a tiny handful 
who on occasions attempted propaganda for the 'peace agreement'.
Now, due to lack of support, they have been forced to turn
their offices iinto a miserable canteen for drunken louts.

In Stockholm, the headquarters of the leader of the capitulationists 
abroad, Javier Esparza, things are even worse.  This fellow and the 
La Torre family, his relatives, are the only 'militants' upholding
the 'peace agreement' .  This family clan is very isolated,  So 
isolated, that to promote their views they openly had to request the 
Peruvian embassy's help (see El Diario N.-25) .

In Basel, Switzerland, nothing is left of the capitulationist 'MPP'. 
In Hamburg, Germany, besides an individual and his wife, capitulation
has no other followers.  In Mexico things are even worse for them,
and anywhere else, there is nothing at all to report! .


RIM MAROONED BETWEEN THE 'PEACE LETTERS' AND THE PEOPLE'S WAR

In synthesis, both in Peru and abroad, the joint enterprise of 
the police and the capitulationists has been ground to dust all
along the line.  The 'peace letters' that not even Fujimori dare   
use anymore, have been consigned to the museum of plots and props
used against the PCP.  From this ordeal, the PCP and the People's
War have come out strengthed.  The RIM leaders say that 'the 
greatest danger facing the Party today' is the the 'very right wing 
opportunist line and the actions of those upholding it' .

They are being patently absurd.  If what they are saying was true we 
would have to recognise that U.S. imperialism and Fujimori's 'peace 
agreement' plot can still achieve its counter-revolutionary
objectives.  Besides, if this problem is as serious as they make it
out to be, why have they waited nearly two years to 'order' a struggle

aginst the opportunist line?

2.  The leaders of RIM say:  "IT IS URGENT TO CONTINUE THE EFFORTS TO 
DISCOVER WHAT ARE CHAIRMAN GONZALO'S OWN VIEWPOINTS TODAY' . 'HOWEVER,
THE LINE IS THE CENTRAL ISSUE, NOT ITS AUTHOR' .

According to Lenin, opportunists strive:  "TO AGREE WITH BOTH SIDES 
OF ANY ARGUMENT'..... and that "IT IS DIFFICULT TO PIN DOWN AN 
OPPORTUNIST BY MEANS OF A READY MADE FORMULA.  OPPORTUNISM PRECISELY 
CONSISTS IN  LACK  OF PRINCIPLE.  IT IS ALWAYS READY TO ENDORSE ANY 
ONE FORMULA WITH THE SAME EASE THAT THEY WOULD RECANT FROM IT "  (V.I.

Lenin, One Step Forward,  Two Steps Back, May l904) .

This opinion of Lenin regarding opportunism fits the leaders of RIM 
to a tee!.  What is the political thrust of the question mark poised
by the leaders of RIM about the viewpoints of the leader of the
Peruvian revolution?  It is clear as a bell!

By means of this question mark they smuggle in the peregrine 
idea that the author and brain behind the 'peace agreement' 
plot is Chairman Gonzalo himself.  Thus they openly side with 
Fujimori's agents and the capitulationist gang in flogging to
death the idea that the 'peace negotiations'  are personally
directed by Chairman Gonzalo.  They conciliate with the idea 
that he has actually made international telephone calls to 
'order support'  for the  'peace agreement'  plot.

This ideal cannot but lead the leaders of RIM directly to 
the side of counter-revolution.  To hold that Chairman Gonzalo
is leading the sell out of the People's War, is to portray 
him as a political pygmy and a dirty capitulationist.  This
objective of the plot of  'peace letters'  is a main one.

The evil idea that the gentlemen of RIM smuggle in, aims 
to reinforce the strategic anti-insurgency plans of the
government and of U.S. imperialism to liquidate Gonzalo 
Thought.  This plan is based in the sinister use of the 
figure of the leader and guide of the Peruvian revolution.
This method they have themselves designed as 'the war of
Gonzalo against Gonzalo' .  The leaders of RIM employ
the ruse of asking themselves:  ' What is really thiinking
Chairman Gonzalo?' .  They succeed only too well in casting
aspersions on the extraordinary theoretical and practical 
contributions of Chairman Gonzalo.  They are also sowing 
doubts about his integrity as a communist, specially
abroad.

Of what value could Gonzalo Thought's be if its own author
would betray it? .  The leaders of RIM, by using this ruse,
are affirming the authenticity of the "peace letters" and 
presenting Dr. Guzman as their author.  With this ruse, the 
ideologic-political backbone of the PCP centered upon Gonzalo
Thought as the synthesis and precisely the objective of 
Peruvian reaction and U.S. imperialism.  Is this the great
love that the leaders of RIM feel for the Peruvian revolution? 
With "friends"  like these, we don't need any more enemies! .

RIM:  FROM A VOW OF SILENCE TO UNBRIDLED LOQUACITY

"The line is central, not the author" , this principle that
would be valid under any other circumstances turns into cheap
aspersions in the mouth of the RIM leaders.

Why, if they truly upheld this principle, they did not apply
it since 1993?.  The political chicanery encapsulated in this
phrase is as follows:  In the specific case of the People's War,
and in the circumstances that surround it since the capture of
Chairman Gonzalo  (September 1992)  and with Fujimori's fraudulent
plot (October 1993) , one cannot arbitrarily separate  the general 
political line of the revolution from its author.  To make this
distinction inevitably leads to placing a question mark
over the extraordinary theoretical and practical contribution 
of Chairman Gonzalo.  It also leads directly into negation of
the validity of the political line that sustains the Peruvian
revolution.  To understand this problem, one must first understand
the inter-relation that exists between thePeople's War and Chairman 
Gonzalo.  Both are elements of one and the same historical process.

We do not here in any way hold that the final destiny of the
Peruvian revolution is conditioned to the life or death of the
great Peruvian revolutionary.  We reject even the shadow of an
idealist and bougeois interpretation of the role of individuals
in history.  We believe in the laws of social development.  We
are sure that no accidental cause can stop the class struggle and
the revolutionary process.  However, we do defend and affirm the
great role and historical figure of Chairman Gonzalo for the 
Peruvian process and the world proletarian revolution.  The 
Chairman is today a foremost communists of our era.  In this
respect the PCP has this to say:

"We must study Gonzalo Thought basing ourselves upon the 
historical context that produced it :  We must look into the
ideological basis that sustains it;  we must pinpoint its 
contents, which are more in evidence in the general political
line and in the military line that is its kernel.  We must aim
to grasp the essence of this thought,  the issue of political
power, the issue of the conquest of power here in Peru.  This 
issue is inextricably linked with the conquest of power for the
proletariat in the world... " .  (Fundamental Documents of the 
PCP,  page 408, "Guerra Popular en Peru, el Pensamiento Gonzalo",
June 1989) .

VULGAR METAPHYSICIANS.

The RIM leaders defend vulgar metaphysical positions about Marxist 
philosophy.  Their philosophical outbursts billed as "principled" 
are sheer petty bourgeois idealism.  From the standpoint of
historical materialism the great leaders of the oppressed classes 
are the product of specific social conditions and historical
developments.

These leading figures form an inseparable whole with the
processes of social revolution in which they are immersed.  The
great leaders and figures in the camp of the oppressed masses 
are not merely the representatives of the most advanced ideas of
the era.  They are also the prototype of revolutionary ethics,
moral and behaviour.

Siince the time of Spartacus 70 years BC, from the time of Marx,
Engels, Lenin, Mao Tsetung and comrade Stalin, revolutionary
thought and practice have always formed a unity.  No one imagines
Marxism as the product of capitulationists and traitors.

To separate Gonzalo Thought from the political life and praxis 
of Chairman Gonzalo, is nothing less that an aberrant falsification
of the materialistic outlook in history.  This is barely a excuse 
to deny the life and works of the leader of the People's War.  To 
deny it as part and parcel to the class struggle and the acme of 
development of the Peruvian proletariat.

In synthesis, by using the ruse of 'line is central and not its 
author',  the "Maoists" in the leadership of RIM who trail behind
the capitulationists are playing an identical role to that of the
worse enemies of the Peruvian revolution.  This contradicts the
position and analysis of the Central Committee of PCP:  The Party
very clearly, and in different documents, defends the life and 
also the historical role of Chairman Gonzalo as one of the greatest 
Marxists-Leninists-Maoists of the present era.  TheParty totally 
rejects the idea that the great leader of the People's War has 
turned himself into  a miserable peddler and merchant of the 
revolution.

3.   The leaders of RIM say.  "The Committee of RIM calls upon
the whole Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and Marxist- 
Leninists-Maoists of the world:  To struggle in defense of the
People's War in Peru and support the comrades of the Communist
Party of Peru in preserving the achievements of the revolution,
defeating the right wing opportunist line ... " .

If this call had been issued in October 1993 and not in March 1995,
it would have been surely taken seriously both in Peru and at the
world level .  However,  today,  when the wheel of history has
taken many full turns and so much water has passed under the bridges,
this call sounds merely like a Siren song.

These highfalutin words supporting the People's War, the PCP,  and
the struggle against the "Right wing line", reflect the hypocritical
and opportunist tone of the document we are criticising.  The
battle cry of the RIM leaders against the "Right wing opportunist 
line", is a smoke screen to hide their own opportunist features.  It 
is like a burglar who when found out loudly cries:  'catch thief'
pointing to his accomplice ! .  Why all this shrieking now and not
before? .

One of the characteristics of opportunism is to adapt itself to
the best circumstances of the moment.  They never want to lose
out on the best opportunity.  Opportunism is always vague.
Opportunism looks for advantages and tries to remain aloof from 
the class conflicts.

Today, the RIM Committee, is the least appropriate agency to lead
and mobilise the Marxist-Leninists-Maoists of the world and to
support the armed struggle in Peru.

The opportunist attitude of the RIM leaders in the affair of the
"peace letters",  has landed them in a veritable cul-de-sac.  They
are totally isolated and rejected by 99%  of the RIM bases.  Besides,
they are held in contempt by many organisations and political parties 
abroad.  These are forces, who, while not part of RIM, have 
nevertheless struggled and supported the PCP's position on the
issue of the "peace letters" .  Evidently what the RIM leaders 
desperately want is to again climb aboard the train of revolution
and stave off their final and total bankruptcy.

BRIEF SYNTHESIS.  WHAT DO THE RIM LEADERS WANT?

The ' theoretical '  lucubrations of the RIM leaders and their
efforts to distort the concrete reality ofthe People's War, are
aimed at the following objectives:

1.  Dangerously, they seek to endorse and give legal currency
to the authenticity of the "peace letters" .  They seek to depict
these letters as the political expression of a group of  militants
and sympathizers of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP) .  The 
political expression of people, whether misguided or not, who are 
part of the Party.  Not as capitulationists and police agents as the 
Central Committee of PCP and others hold.

In this manner, the RIM leaders are trying to conceal the 
'peace letters'  true character as a police plot of the Fujimori
regime,  U.S. imperialism and their agents.  On this point, the 
position of the RIM leaders is identical to the position of the 
Fujimori regime and of the most rabid enemies of thePeruvian 
revolution.  In this manner, directly or indirectly they side with 
all those who speak of the 'two Shining Paths' ,  one led by
'Feliciano' and the other by Chairman Gonzalo.

2.  The rhetoric of the RIM leaders serves for keeping imperialist 
propaganda around the ' peace agreement '  alive, an issue that has
already been amply disposed off by the PCP.

Also, alongside this insidious idea, they bestow the title of  
'internal Party contradiction'  to a gang of capitulationists and
police agents.  To people who have already been unmasked and smashed,
both in Peru and abroad.

It is because of this that the RIM leaders shout: " Of the outcome 
of this struggle will depend the future " of the People's War.   With 
this message, they attempt to smuggle the idea that the 'contradictory

line' is strong wihin the PCP.  That this is is a line whose power 
'could ' decide the course of the war.

3.  By using the metaphysical, anti-dialectical plank of separating 
'line from author'  the RIM leaders prop up the main aspect of the 
imperialist campaign to portray Chairman Gonzalo as a capitulationist 
leader.  Thus, they portray him as a leader of the same ilk, or
even worse, than other well-known merchants of armed struggles in 
Latin America.

All these bombastic and high sounding words of the RIM leaders about 
finding out ' what Chairman Gonzalo really thinks '  are clearly 
aimed at sowing doubts.  These are words aimed at casting slurs
upon the unassailable communist morality of the leader of the PCP
and of the People's  War.

4.  The RIM leaders have gone into reverse.  Their last statement 
has a strong opportunistic stench about it.  It is their idea of 
a life line to save themselves from political bankruptcy.

What is the bottom line of this affair?.  In these last two years,
the RIM leaders somersaulted and danced like courtesans around
Fujimori's plot.

Meanwhile, in Europe and in other continents an important campaign 
mobilising around the defense of the PCP and the People's War was 
developing.  Scores of parties and political organisations, and
support groups,  promoted a vigorous battle against the 
capitulationists of the 'peace letters'.

Nearly all the bases of RIM took part in this struggle.  From
this great anti-imperialist mobilisation,only the Revolutionary
Communist Party USA  (RCP-USA) , two tiny groups from Colombia, and
the  "Union of Iranian Communists"  (Sarbedaran)  stayed away. 
This last organism is closely linked to the  RIM leaders.

Within this framework,  the leaders of RIM, overtaken by their own
bases, became isolated and lost authority.  Their false oaths of 
loyalty to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism did not avail them very much.

5.  The call of RIM, to "defend the People's War in Peru"  is an 
old  trick of rotten revisionists and opportunists  within the 
International Communist Movement.  Bernstein and Kautsky in the 
name of the  "working class and the socialist revolution"  went 
over to the side of European imperialism.

Khrushchev, Brezhnev and Gorbachov also shouted "Long Live 
Marxism-Leninism!", simultaneously they were dismantling and 
liquidating Soviet power, they were accomplishing tasks on behalf
of the counter-revolution and were in cahoots with U.S. imperialism.

Trotsky, fancied himself as the greatest disciple of Lenin and the
great defender of the proletarian dictatorship.  However, he did 
nothing but align himself with the worse enemies of the Russian
revolution.

Brussels, 9 May 1995.  (Article prepared for El Diario Internacional 
N- 26 of 05/95) .