Kurdish News
A Monthly Publication Of The Kurdistan Committee Of Canada
Number 15 - April 1995
 
Index:

1) Turkish Troops Occupy South Kurdistan
2) Statement From PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan
   Concerning The Turkish Invasion Of South Kurdistan
3) "We Will Expel The Turkish Army From Kurdistan!"
4) Prominent Turkish Novelist May Become A Casualty Of War
5) Yeni Politika Will Replace Banned Ozgur Ulke
6) Questions Raised In Canadian Parliament
7) Demonstration Announcement
8) Canadian Delegation Visits Kurdistan


1) Turkish Troops Occupy South Kurdistan

     On March 20, 1995, more than 50,000 Turkish troops moved
into northern Iraq. Along four routes, a 335 kilometres long
border was breached and eyewitnesses noted that advanced Turkish
teams were sent some 40 kilometres inside South Kurdistan. The
stated aim of the Turkish forces is to wipe out PKK guerrilla
bases, but the real intention of the Ankara government is to
silence the Kurdish aspirations for freedom and liberty by any
means necessary. There has been intense fighting in South
Kurdistan. Civilian Kurds have been killed and refugee camps have
been bombarded from the air. Although the Turkish government
claims to be having great success with the operation, guerrilla
sources have stated that the invading Turkish forces have
suffered heavy losses because they are unfamiliar with the
terrain and they cannot cope with the guerrillas' hit and run
tactics. According to the Press Office of the People's Liberation
Army of Kurdistan (ARGK) in Botan, less than 20 guerrillas have
died in the struggle so far. We will publish updates on the
invasion of South Kurdistan in the next issue of Kurdish News. 

Statement From PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan Concerning
The Turkish Invasion Of South Kurdistan

     It is rather important to gauge correctly the recent
provocations that are taking place in Turkey. A weakening
government, faced with resignation, has formed a new coalition
with the Popular Republican Party (CHP) and, in the meantime, is
committing atrocities via dark circles to make itself invaluable.
     First there was the massacre in Zaxo, then came the
unprecedented brutal attack on the residents of Gaziosmanpasa,
and finally this latest operation, all designed to prolong a
government in crisis. In their own words, this operation is far
more comprehensive than the one the Turkish government undertook
in Cyprus some two decades ago. It is part of a meticulous plan
to achieve certain ends. Before the Turkish troops invaded
Cyprus, the Turkish government had noted that "there was a state
of war between the Turks and the Greeks; we moved in to secure
peace". Again, in South Kurdistan, a state of tension was the
moment of opportunity for the government in Ankara. In Zaxo,
there was a powerful explosion, an act of barbarity was
committed. Also, the Turkish government meddled in the internal
affairs of the Federated Kurdish State, urging the warring
parties to fight on so that its own entrance on the scene would
be smooth.
     We also know that the government in Ankara was having secret
meetings with the government in Baghdad. Its goal was to choke
the Federated Kurdish State. The army got its way and the
so-called civilian government of Tansu Ciller in Ankara was
obliging in every sense, notwithstanding the loss of confidence
the government was facing because of the worsening economy. In a
sensitive city like Istanbul, in a poor shantytown like
Gaziosmanpasa, where opposition to the government is the rule
rather than the exception, the attack which culminated in a
massacre was part of a plan to achieve certain ends. The logic
was that "the government in Ankara should not be forced to
resign; if it does, chaos will ensue". There was also the issue
of the Alevi community, who were rapidly responding to the call
of the Kurdish national liberation struggle. The message for them
was: "If you continue doing what you are doing, you will be
crushed." The attack on Gaziosmanpasa was a stepped-up version of
the unsolved murders that are taking place in the country daily.
     The same logic was at work in Zaxo: "In a chaotic period,
massacres do take place and the sane thing to do would be to move
in to provide for the safety and security of the people. Just
like in Cyprus, where there seemed to be a need for the invasion
of the island by the Turkish army to provide security for the
people." They seem to say that they are more effective at
"protecting" the Kurds than are the forces of Operation Provide
Comfort. The message is that Turkey wants to remain in the area.
In their own words, "We will stay here so long as there is
political instability." In other words, they would like to be the
government in the area.
     Notwithstanding their claim, this is not a war to hunt down
PKK fighters; the messages emanating from Ankara prove that. With
these steps, they hope to prolong the life of the Ankara
government; they want to silence the opposition. With this
outward operation, they want to prevent the reactions of a
population unhappy with its economic and social problems. In
other words, they have assuaged the reaction. The upshot is that
the government is in place and the army is content. What they
want to leave behind are the economic, social, and political
problems. It is not that they want to crush PKK bases, rather it
is the crisis facing the Turkish Republic which has forced them
to undertake this largest military operation in the history of
the country in order to cover up their own mismanagement. We are
urging the progressive and democratic international community not
to remain silent to these acts of massacres and outright
occupation by circles whose ideas smack of fascism. It behooves
them to note the implications of such a blatant military act that
condones the domination of one people over another.
     We want to emphasize that the United States government is
secretly supporting this massacre by the fascist Turkish
government. We want the United States government to withdraw its
support from this dirty war and provide opportunities for a
political solution to this problem. It is incumbent on the part
of the mass media to bring out the truth behind these
developments. These are the facts; the news that is emanating
from the Turkish army does not dovetail with our observations.
The occupation forces have not targeted our areas. The members of
the Turkish armed forces have entered Zaxo, a city of civilians
and Kurdish peshmergas. They have also surrounded the camps of
Kurds who had fled Turkish state terror back in Turkey. These
people are being terrorized. Those who are saying "the operation
is limited in scope and will not harm civilians" are misleading
the public. The outsiders who are saying "the operation should be
limited in scope" are condoning the attack and watching it. These
are double standards.
     Our resistance is primarily in the North. In South
Kurdistan, there are revolutionary forces who are uniting behind
a national front. They, too, have a history of resistance. They
are becoming an alternative force in the area. We, the PKK, are
supporting this development. We are not taking part in these
developments but the democratic forces are enjoying our support.
There are Kurdish patriots who would like to see their program
implemented and their sovereignty secured. Also, it is not so
easy to close in on the PKK guerrilla fighters. We are determined
to fight a long-term guerrilla war, trap the enemy forces, and
turn the area into a grave-site for them. As of now, a few
hundred Turkish soldiers have been killed. Our losses stand at 11
fighters killed. We were prepared for this war and our morale is
high. We were expecting this military operation. We responded in
a language which the enemy understands but in a manner which they
did not expect. In close battles, we have stopped the movement of
the army and in some areas we have forced them to retreat. They
will never be able to surround us completely or curtail our free
movement. We can with certainty note that with our guerrilla
tactics we will deny victory to the Turkish government's favoured
policy of a "military solution" whose basis has always been
force.
     In this spirit, we wanted to inform you, the public, to draw
your attention to the war, and send you our greetings.

Abdullah Ocalan,
General Secretary of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)

3) "We Will Expel The Turkish Army From Kurdistan!"

     This is a five day summary of what has happened in the
aftermath of the Turkish invasion of South Kurdistan. The Turkish
army has undertaken an all-out operation using armoured vehicles,
tanks, helicopters, and fighter planes. In this massive attack,
including residential areas, much of rural Kurdistan has been
bombed. Since we knew of the impending invasion, our mobile
forces were prepared to resist the attack and we have inflicted
heavy losses on the Turkish forces. On March 19-20, Turkish tanks
and armoured vehicles moved into Zaxo and then proceeded towards
Haftanin. We then ambushed the advancing units between Zaxo and
Haftanin and we halted their movement and inflicted losses.      
During the day, our forces came in contact with enemy forces in
the Sinaht, Hezil, and Habur regions along the border and again
the enemy forces were encircled, some of them were killed and
many others were bewildered. Between Habur and Zap in the Kendora
valley, at Hirror, Ciyaye Kulli, Derkar, and the Zap bridge, the
Turkish soldiers were attacked six times and again they suffered
losses. These hit and run tactics have slowed down the enemy
forces and hampered their movements on the ground.
     Finding themselves landlocked on inhospitable terrain, the
enemy forces have airlifted their forces into the Xapuske region
between Kari and the Metina mountains. On the night of March 23,
they airlifted some more troops into the Kandine region. Here,
our guerrilla units encircled the headquarters of the Turkish
troops and forced them to retreat from the area. The enemy forces
have not been able to move into the Zap and Avasin regions.
There, Turkish fighter planes have exacted heavy losses in the
residential areas. On March 21, in the Basya valley, our fighters
ambushed another Turkish military convoy. Some of the military
vehicles, along with their occupants, found themselves in the
Avasin river. Local residents noted that the enemy forces
suffered heavy losses. As a result, the enemy movement on the
ground has come to a standstill. In the air, they are ineffective
against our mobile forces. To date, as of Friday, March 24, our
losses stand at 17 and we also have 10 injured fighters. We have
no exact information on the enemy losses, but we estimate the
number to be some 300 soldiers and their officers. There are
probably as many injured troops as well. For example, at
Xanxurke, the enemy had 4 of its soldiers killed and 3 of them
injured. During the Basya valley attack, some soldiers were
killed in the fighting and others drowned in the Avasin river. In
Kendora region on March 20, 15 enemy soldiers were killed and
more were injured. At the Kandine headquarters, close to 50
soldiers were put out of commission. On the hills of Derkar, the
enemy has yet to pick up its dead from the ground.
     Unlike the "good" news which is emanating from Ankara, the
Turkish soldiers are unable to fight a guerrilla war. Many of the
soldiers are displaying clumsy behaviour. They are still doing
what they are best at: killing Kurdish civilians and telling the
world that these are "terrorists". If this is the truth then why
aren't they showing these supposedly killed Kurdish fighters to
the media? The people of Zaxo have been subjected to intimidation
and torture since the beginning of this operation. The region
between Hezil and Zap has been bombarded heavily and the
residents of Derkar, Devgerli, and Holina have fled their
villages. In the Zap valley, the villages of Gare, Sili, and Edi
have also been bombarded from the air. All the villages between
Zap and Avasin have been evacuated. In Gazine village, a shepherd
was murdered by the invading forces. At Orke and Banya, Turkish
planes have hit some of the houses, killing a 6-year-old girl and
wounding 6 other people. The villages of Kale and Baluka have
been searched and 3 residents were killed.
     The people of South Kurdistan have been rallying against the
Turkish invasion of their state. In Dohuk, the residents of the
city have demonstrated against the presence of the enemy. There
are reports that a larger demonstration has also taken place at
Sulaymania. The Turkish government has received the blessings of
the international community, especially that of the United States
of America. Their mission, Operation Provide Comfort, has become
a guise to choke the Kurds. Notwithstanding the international
support which Turkey enjoys, this is the last foray of Turkish
soldiers into South Kurdistan. We will expel them soon - and for
good. 

People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan (ARGK)
March 26, 1995

4) Prominent Turkish Novelist May Become A Casualty Of War
 
     If an Istanbul public prosecutor has his way, one of
Turkey's greatest living authors will be locked behind bars this
spring, the most prominent victim of sweeping anti-terror laws
that give the government nearly free rein to restrict discussion
of this country's "Kurdish problem". Yashar Kemal, an
internationally acclaimed novelist whose tales of a vanishing way
of life on the punishing Anatolian plains are standard fare in
Turkish literature textbooks, is scheduled to appear before a
state security court May 5 to answer charges of advocating
separatism. The accusations stem from an article he wrote for the
January 10 edition of the German magazine Der Spiegel. His
strongly worded essay "Campaign of Lies" argued that Turkey's
leaders have tried through systematic oppression "to kill the
Kurdish language and culture since the founding of the republic".
     The article caused a furor at a time when the government is
trying to reconcile demands for democracy by liberals, leftists,
and Turkey's Western allies with deep and widespread fears of the
growth of Islamic extremism and the intractability of the Kurdish
conflict. Kemal's prosecution demonstrates the lengths to which
Ankara will go to silence critics after more than a decade of
unofficial civil war with Kurdish separatists. The conflict has
cost more than 15,000 lives and has been marked by rampant human
rights abuses. "If I am sentenced, the Turkish Republic won't be
able to look foreigners in the face," the 71-year-old Kemal said
recently. He wrote in his Der Spiegel article that Turkey "must
not enter the 21st century as a nation accursed".
     About 150 academics, journalists, writers, human rights
activists, and lawyers currently are imprisoned for "crimes of
expression" according to the Ankara-based Human Rights
Association (IHD). Many, like Kemal, were prosecuted under
Article 8 of the Turkish Law Against Terrorism, which states that
any "written or spoken propaganda" that threatens the
"indivisible integrity of the state" is punishable with a prison
sentence of 2 to 5 years. Nearly 8,000 others are either
appealing jail sentences or awaiting trial for alleged violations
of Article 8. Intellectual "terrorists" now in prison include
Fikret Baskaya, an economics professor who wrote a book
criticizing Turkey's socio-economic development and its
underlying ideology; writer Haluk Gerger, who argued that violent
movements emerge when peaceful channels for dissent are closed;
and sociologist Ismail Besikci, who has spent more than a decade
in jail for his studies of the Kurds. "Yashar Kemal is one of
many similar cases," said Yavuz Onen, president of the
independent Human Rights Foundation of Turkey. "But he is one of
the best-known personalities ever prosecuted under the
anti-terror law, so he created quite a stir."
     Kemal's Der Spiegel essay prompted heated debate in the
Turkish media. Although some columnists said Kemal had betrayed
the country, others rallied to his defense in an unprecedented
show of support for freedom of expression.
     "Even those who give the appearance of being the most
democratic of people accused Yashar Kemal of being a traitor,"
wrote the weekly magazine Aktuel, which called his piece a
"writing event dividing Turkey". Throwing down the gauntlet,
publisher Erdal Oz released a collection of controversial essays
-- including Kemal's Der Spiegel article -- titled "Freedom of
Thought and Turkey". The book was signed by about 1,080 writers
and artists in an attempt to force the state to charge them all
under the same law as Kemal. An additional 50,000 people signed
declarations supporting them. "While Kemal got bad press, he
catalyzed this sort of lobby among writers and artists," said
Semih Idiz, an editor and columnist at the Turkish Daily News.
"This hasn't happened before. But it also shows the
intelligentsia is divided on the Kurdish issue. It's something
like the McCarthy period in your country -- Will people fall
behind the government line no matter what? It's a choice between
`my country right or wrong' and `democracy right or wrong.'"
     Turkey is substantially more democratic today than in 1983,
when civilians returned to power after three years of military
dictatorship. Discussion of the Kurdish issue -- once strictly
taboo -- is now a national pastime, and the formerly prohibited
Kurdish language is now legal. About a quarter of Turkey's 60
million people are of Kurdish origin.
     But the government's fight to subdue the separatist
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) have stalled long-promised
constitutional reforms. Kurdish-language education and TV is
still banned under the rationale that it will weaken national
unity, and 10 predominantly Kurdish southeastern provinces are
under oppressive emergency law.
     Kemal's case could scarcely have come at a worse time for
the Turkish government, which is eager to prove that its talk of
democratization is more than just talk since it signed a customs
union with the European Union early this month. Ratification of
the agreement by the European Parliament is conditional upon
Turkey taking immediate steps to improve human rights. Prime
Minister Tansu Ciller has been promising democratic reforms since
she took office in the summer of 1993. But a much-heralded
"democratization package" discussed last year never reached the
parliamentary floor, and a new year's pledge to reform the
constitution has not materialized. On March 14, eager to maintain
momentum toward the customs union, Ciller again outlined a number
of proposals, including a general amnesty for all political
prisoners of conscience and a gradual lifting of the state of
emergency in the southeast. But Turks are skeptical that real
progress will emerge from the current parliament, which is
dominated by conservative hard-liners who view democratization as
a "softening" on terrorism. Turkey's powerful generals, generally
given a free hand in the southeast, also resist reform.

(Source: Chronicle Foreign Service)

5) Yeni Politika Will Replace Banned Ozgur Ulke

Dear friends,

     I am happy to inform you that as of mid April 1995, a new
Turkish-language newspaper dedicated to democracy, human rights,
and coverage of Kurdish-related issues is expected to come out in
Turkey: Yeni Politika.
     The newspaper will be 14 pages and will soon be available in
Europe, and it will be published in a European city as well. 
     Owing to previous Turkish attacks on democratic and
pro-Kurdish newspapers, which have resulted with the subsequent
closures of many publications, including Ozgur Ulke and Ozgur
Gundem, we call upon all people concerned for Kurdish and human
rights in Turkey to closely monitor future developments related
to Yeni Politika.
     As you would recall, Ozgur Ulke was closed down by Istanbul
courts earlier this year after a judgment was passed that it was
the continuation of Ozgur Gundem (closed previously). In its
plight for existence, over 20 Ozgur Ulke/Ozgur Gundem reporters
were gunned down by death squads, 35 were arrested and tortured,
and the newspaper's Istanbul offices and its Ankara
bureau were bombed.
     All information related to Yeni Politika and its reports
will soon be made available.

Best regards,

Ismet Imset
Ex-columnist, Ozgur Ulke
London

6) Questions Raised In Canadian Parliament

On Wednesday, March 29, Mr. Svend J. Robinsion, an MP from the
social democratic party NDP, raised questions in the Canadian
Parliament concerning Canada's plans to participate in Ankara's
75th anniversary celebration of "democracy in Turkey", as well as
the Canadian government's impending plan to sell 39 CF-5
warplanes to the Turkish military. The following is a transcript
of the question and answer session:

     Mr. Svend J. Robinson (MP, NDP): Last week I met in an
Ankara, Turkey prison with four respected members of the Turkish
Parliament, including Leyla Zana, who were sentenced in December
to terms of up to 15 years for speaking out for human rights and
democracy for the 12 million Kurds in Turkey. In light of this
appalling attack on elected members of Parliament, I want to ask
the Prime Minister to explain why his government is sending a
ministerial delegation to Turkey on April 23 to celebrate the
75th anniversary of the same Turkish Parliament. Will the Prime
Minister in these circumstances agree to review this decision
which deeply concerns not only these members of Parliament but I
am sure many Canadians.

     Right Hon. Jean Chretien (Prime Minister, Lib.): Mr.
Speaker, I will certainly look into that possibility. It might be
a good occasion for the ministerial delegation to raise the issue
of human rights with the government while it is there. One way or
the other, I would like the question of human rights to be raised
with the Government of Turkey. Perhaps one way is to cancel the
delegation or the other way is to send the delegation with a
mandate to talk about it. 

     Mr. Svend J. Robinson (MP, NDP): Mr. Speaker, in view of the
very grave human rights abuses committed by the Turkish
government, including its history in Cyprus and the current
illegal assault in northern Iraq, will the Prime Minister now
explain why the head of the Turkish air force was invited to
Canada last month, invited to fly the CF-5 aircraft himself? Will
the government finally do the right thing and not only cancel any
potential sale of the CF-5s to Turkey but join our NATO ally,
Norway, in saying that there will be no arms sales whatsoever to
the repressive regime in Turkey?

     Hon. David M. Collenette (Minister of National Defence,
Lib.): Mr. Speaker, my colleague, the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, has answered the question a couple of times in the last
10 days. There has been some indication by the Government of
Turkey about the surplus CF-5s and there have been some informal
discussion. However, there is no deal pending. Our position is
well known on the exporting of arms. We want to make sure, if
that is done, that certain safeguards are in place. I believe the
question at this time is somewhat premature. 

7) Demonstration Announcement

Protest Demonstration
Thursday - April 13 - Noon
Parliament Hill

Turkish Troops Out Of Kurdistan!
No Arms Sales To Turkey!

8) Canadian Delegation Visits Kurdistan

     From March 18-23, a Canadian human rights delegation, headed
by MP Svend Robinson (NDP), visited Turkey and Kurdistan. The
delegation members met with representatives of human rights
organizations, interviewed imprisoned Kurdish MPs, and witnessed
the celebration of the Kurdish New Year Newroz in the city of
Diyarbakir. The next issue of Kurdish News will be devoted to the
findings of this delegation. Delegation members will write on the
Turkish government's widespread repression of the Kurdish people
and the flagrant and systematic human rights abuses committed by
the Turkish government and military.

Kurdish News is published by:

Kurdistan Committee of Canada
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9

tel: (613) 733-9634
fax: (613) 733-0090
email: kcc@magi.com