From Weakness To Resistance: A Portrait Of Leyla Zana Not long after she was sentenced to prison, Leyla Zana was honoured with several international peace prizes. She was given the Rosa Prize from Denmark, the Aachen Alternative Peace Prize, and the Rafto Association's Peace Prize from Norway, and most recently she was awarded the Bruno Kreisky Peace Prize from Austria. In addition to all of this, Norway has nominated her for the Nobel Peace Prize. Who is Leyla Zana, and why have so many people across the world given her so many prizes in such a short period of time? Leyla Zana, who is known well beyond the borders of Turkey and Kurdistan, and who has been imprisoned in Ankara since March 1994, caused quite a sensation when she was elected to the Turkish Parliament in 1991 and, along with her male colleague Hatip Dicle, added a referenced to "Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood" in her inaugural oath. For the first time since the founding of the Turkish Republic, someone dared to speak in the Kurdish language before the eyes of watching Members of Parliament and TV viewers. And in yet another first, she took hear inaugural oath wearing the Kurdish national colours, red, green, and yellow. Together with her other colleagues from the Democracy Party (DEP), Leyla Zana attempted to deal with the Kurdish problem at the political level. She made it her task to make the Kurdish question an issue in the Turkish Parliament. But she knew from day one that this would be a very difficult task. Would a Parliament that did not even allow people to wear the Kurdish national colours allow a discussion of the situation of the Kurds? It was a heavy task which this young MP took on. Where did she get so much courage? A close examination will reveal that the life and personal development of Leyla Zana closely mirrors that of the uprising of the Kurdish people; a sort of microcosm of the entire Kurdish resistance movement. The will for social and personal freedom was the basis for her activities. It was this resistance throughout her entire life that made it possible for her to fight to change the present conditions. The female gender in the village of Bahce, where Leyla Zana was born in 1961, had very little to do and was supposed to stay hidden. But Leyla was never easy to control and she rebelled even then. Before her wedding, she had never worn a head garment, and even then she only wore it for a short time. She didn't seem too concerned when everyone thought she was crazy for tossing the head garment on the ground. She was just 14 years old in 1975 when she was forced to marry her father's cousin, a man 20 years older than she. Even when she reacted angrily to the idea of this marriage and beat her father with her fists, something no other Kurdish girl would surely ever do, she still had an amazingly clear analysis of her situation: "I don't blame my family or my husband, rather I blame the social conditions. These must be changed." The possibilities for changing both personal and social conditions actually improved after her marriage to Mehdi Zana, an active Kurd. It was through him that Leyla first encountered state repression, and this was what politicized her. In 1976, Leyla went with her husband to Diyarbakir and soon the illiterate woman, still only 15, gave birth to a son. The following year, her husband was elected Mayor of Diyarbakir. After the 1980 military coup, Mehdi Zana was arrested and sentenced to 30 years in prison. Leyla Zana was now a young, single mother, her son Ronay was 5 and she was pregnant with her daughter Ruken. Whereas before she had been heavily influenced by her relatives, now she was forced "to think for myself and act for myself". During the next few years, she followed her husband from prison to prison, from Diyarbakir to Aydin, from Afyon to Askisehir. While doing so, she learned to speak Turkish so that she could be more effective outside the prisons, and she even managed to study on her own. In Diyarbakir, she became the first woman ever to get a high school diploma without ever attending school. She eventually became the spokesperson for all the women who were waiting for their husbands in prison and her personal authority continued to grow. In the 1980s, she was active in promoting women's self-organization and she founded and chaired a women's group which eventually opened offices in Istanbul and Diyarbakir. She also became active as a journalist for 'Yeni Ulke', eventually becoming editor at the Diyarbakir office. These and many other examples clearly show that her personal development was virtually synonymous with the development of the Kurdish liberation struggle, and this culminated with her candidacy for Parliament in the 1991 elections. Leyla Zana was the first Kurdish woman ever elected to the Turkish Parliament. She received 45,000 votes in her district in Diyarbakir, more than any other candidate. After her election, she moved to Ankara. Her incredible energy and courageous actions on behalf of the 16 million Kurds in Turkey made her famous throughout the entire country: hungerstrike to protest army attacks on the Kurdish New Year festival 'Newroz'; funeral march for a leading Kurdish politician, whose murdered body had been found near a beach; countless visits to families who had been victims of state violence and who had been deprived of their means for existence. Leyla Zana, who has been in prison in Ankara for more than 15 months now, has become a symbol for the Kurdish resistance. Her life and her fate are directly tied to the fate of the Kurdish people. In Leyla Zana's own words: "Freedom has its price." And she is prepared to pay it. It was predictable that she would one day end up in prison, and she was prepared for this. The important thing is that she is helping to solve the problems of the Kurdish people. Immediately after being sentenced to prison, Leyla Zana was showered with several international peace awards, and the Norwegian Parliament has nominated her for this year's Nobel Peace Prize. Her struggle, therefore, is no longer confined to the borders of Kurdistan, rather hers is an international struggle, one which is increasing in international resonance with each passing day. In a recent interview, a spokesperson for the Bruno Kreisky Association, Stefan August, answered the question as to why Leyla Zana had been awarded the association's Peace Prize that year: "We nominated Leyla Zana as a candidate to the independent jury. We clearly explained the situation in both Turkey and Kurdistan. The development of the struggle in Kurdistan has meant that not only Austria has closely followed the events, but all the countries of Europe have been able to see things unfold from very close by. The discussion about Turkey's acceptance into the Customs Union and Austria's ties to Turkey motivated our decision. The lifting of the immunity of the DEP parliamentarians and the verdict of Turkey's State Security Court, which functioned as a special court for this trial, clearly revealed Turkey's attitude with respect to the Kurdish question. We think this is a serious situation. When we look at the Kurdish question in its historical context, we think also of Africa or Russia. This is a fundamental problem. That's why we made our decision the way we did...Leyla Zana was awarded our prize for human rights achievements as a representative of all the imprisoned DEP parliamentarians." Norway gave the following reason for nominating Leyla Zana for the Nobel Peace Prize: "Leyla Zana carried out courageous politics in the interest of democratic rights for the Kurdish people and for human rights. If she were not brave then she would not have struggled to end this war and to find a peaceful solution to the problem. The Turkish government put Leyla Zana and her colleagues in prison illegally. We, as representatives of the Norwegian people, would like to see Leyla Zana awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, because in that way we could show solidarity with their struggle for peace and democracy." July 1995 Kurdistan Informations-Zentrum Cologne, Germany Translated by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada