"The New Situation And The New Reality Which They Have Brought To
Light"

By M. Can Yuce

     February 15th marked a turning point in the history of the
Kurds. The USA, Turkey, and Israel, as well as the global
reactionary bloc, tried on February 15, 1999, to put an end to
the Kurdish people and complete their destruction. In any event,
February 15 was a black day for the Kurds, for the peoples of the
region, for all of progressive humanity. Our people will never
forget this day. But it's also clear that the Kurdish people did
not make this day a day of sadness, rather they used it as an
impulse to transform it into a struggle and a victory. They have
solidified their unity, freedom, and determination. They exposed
the Special War bloc and its plan of destruction. Of course, this
was the background for it.
     Not all Kurds experienced this uprising on the same level.
There were some who were afraid, who were not determined, there
were those who hesitated, who doubted, who utilized the situation
for their own politics, who took a wait-and-see approach.
     But these people were not able to stop the uprising. This
exposed the specific character of the middle class. It's actually
no surprise, and we are prepared for the fact that the middle
class represents such a position during such critical phases. It
is important to pay close attention to the various structures, to
locate them, and to steer towards them. In such a situation, it
is possible to clearly identify the positions of the various
classes.
     When the struggle expands and creates new possibilities,
when the seizing of power appears just over the horizon, then the
middle classes join in the struggle and a broader space is made
possible. That has been the case in all previous revolutions. In
the present phase, the largest portion of the middle class is in
the struggle and is involved in one way or another. They have
their own proposals, their own class interests, their own
expectations. This has also brought the national liberation
struggle into a phase in which the class contradictions are being
exposed. When the leadership appears weak or indecisive, the
middle class seeks to set the direction. We can see that very
clearly in the present phase. The conduct of the middle class
right now is marked by its collaboration with reactionary and
reformist elements. One example: Some say that cooperating with
right-wing, christian democratic parties in Europe is the magic
formula for ending the isolation of the Kurds. Some say that
ideas such as internationalism and the brotherhood and sisterhood
of the Kurdish people have given us nothing, and these people
would like to put more emphasis on nationalism. We've heard these
shameful ideas in the past, but they have become louder since
February 15. Some just want to sit back and watch until things
become more clear. That's an excuse.
     These efforts by the middle class are clear to see and they
must be discussed, but the point of this short article is merely
to make the point known.
     The middle class is characterized, on the one hand, by its
appeals to nationalism and to various right-wing camps, and on
the other hand it seeks to steer the struggle towards a pacifist
line. These attempts show a lack of determination for victory.
     For this reason, a solid leadership, determination, and
foresightedness are of great importance. This point is being made
very clear these days. Of course we must not be exclusionary in
our conduct. We must seek an open manner of bringing together the
correct political ideals at all levels.
     Success in revolution stems from these standpoints. We must
not forget that when the middle class takes on the leadership
role in the revolution, defeat is near at hand.
     The line of revolutionary national liberation allows for a
broad policy of national unity at its foundations, and this must
be realized, but at the same time we must not forget the
following: Revolutionary conduct, in particular the party line at
all levels, must not be abandoned and there must be a continuous,
determined class struggle to determine the leadership, to protect
it, and to expand it further. The success of the revolution is
tied to all of these questions.
     This new phase is a kind of litmus test, a test of
black-and-white. Each class position reveals its true colors and
line quite clearly. It is of great importance to see the
ideological-political line quite clearly and to put it into
action at all levels. This must be the key question on the side
of the revolutionary struggle.
     Furthermore, a new line has revealed itself during this new
phase, one which wishes to utilize the situation for its own
advantage. Those who make false politics with respect to the
front of the Kurds. Even though this line is not so advanced, it
does exist. For example, they give the microphone to those who
describe the revolutionary line as failed, which of course does
not correspond to reality. Some people try to win plus points
with such statements. We are all aware of this. Then there are
those who try to advance their own position on the gains that
have been made up to now. We don't really want to waste much time
on these points, because our people have given the correct reply
to these positions by means of their great uprising. There are
even those in the front in Turkey who wish to gain from this
situation. They call themselves leftists and say they are of the
party of "revolution and love" and claim to struggle for "a
revolution against the oligarchy", but have showed in
different ways that they only seek their own advantages from
this.
     A people who have been condemned to genocide by history, who
have had their honor trampled upon, who have been denied all
human values, whose leadership have been imprisoned after
enduring all means of psychological and physical torture once
arrested, are bound to express their anger in disappointment in
false actions. Instead of seeking to understand this situation,
some forces have taken this as an excuse to create their own
position. If that is not opportunism, then what is? We don't
criticize this sharply, however, because we realize that behind
this opportunism lies the socialization of Kemalism and
chauvinism in the society.
     In any event, our people are watching what is happening, and
they will continue to watch it all very closely.
     Our people are full of understanding and we will never
forget those who extended a hand of friendship. But nor will we
forget those who called themselves "friends" merely to seek their
own advantages.


[M. Can Yuce, a militant of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK),
has been a prisoner of war held by the Turkish government since
the year 1980. He often sends writings and letters from his cell
in Canakkale Prison in Burca, Turkey.]

This article first appeared in 'Ozgur Politika', and was then
translated into German on the homepage of the Kurdistan
Information Desk (ISKU)

(Translated by Arm The Spirit from 'Kurdistan-Rundbrief' #8, Vol.
12 - April 21, 1999)