Kurdish Family Clans: An Introduction Recently, the governor of Yuksekove and the regional army commander attempted to convince the leaders of the Oramar and Doski families to abandon their neutral position with regards to the PKK and to support the Ankara government and the army in their fight against the ARGK (People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan). After the Oramar and Doski families stated that they would not change their position, Turkish army units carried out acts of retaliation in several villages, especially those inhabited by members of the Oramar clan. What makes Kurdish family clans so important that the Turkish authorities and an entire NATO army are so dependent on their support in Kurdistan? There are more than 120 family clans in north-west Kurdistan, that is, in Turkish state territory. As a result of the historical, social, and political changes of the past 70 years, since the founding of the Turkish Republic in 1923, the family clans have lost a great deal of their power. In the 19th century, the power of the clan leader was unlimited. In regions under his control, he was responsible for almost all social functions: he was a land owner, judge, religious leader, and controller of social life. Kurdish rebellions against Ottoman domination in the 19th century were less prompted by thoughts of forming a nation-state, as was happening at that time in Europe, rather they were expressions of self-determination in the face of increasing Ottoman control and regulation. The Kemalist Republic, which the West viewed as modernization, actually represented rigid Turkish assimilation politics. After the Kurdish uprisings were suppressed, the family clans lost a great deal of their power and significance. The more remote a region was, the harder it was to control, and in these areas the clan leaders were able to retain more of their power. Poverty and labour migration to the major cities of western Turkey and Europe lead to a further breakdown in family associations. But still, the clans today - like the Doski and Oramar families - can number as many as 25,000 adults. When the PKK launched its armed struggle in 1984, the situation of the family clans was changed even more, due to the fact that the party enjoyed support from increasingly broader segments of the society, and because larger regions of the country were coming under the control of the ARGK guerrillas. Some clans, like the Guyiler family from Uludere and the Batuyanlar family from Cizre and the Mala Agaye Sabe family from Sirnak, supported the PKK from the beginning. Today, many clans, such as the Oramar, supply guerrillas for the ARGK, which now has close to 35,000 fighters. The largest "family contingents" are provided by the Kicalan family from Idil and the Pinyaniler family from Cukurcu. Because of the PKK's socialist program and its clear accentuation of womens' emancipation, many clan leaders have lost their authority in regions controlled by the guerrillas. Reports indicate that some clans have even disbanded themselves entirely. Day to day life is now organized by the PKK. Other clan leaders, under the influence of the egalitarian philosophy propagated and practiced by the PKK, have given up their title as "Agha". Some Kurdish family clans have played a significant role in the Turkish government's war against the PKK for about a decade now. Certain families, which were previously both historically and politically insignificant, like the Bucak family from Siverck, for example, have become state-paid paramilitary village guards. Tolerated by the Turkish authorities, these approximately 60,000 armed village guards wage maffia-style little wars to control land and merchandise. Since they have increasingly come into the sights of the guerrilla, many village guard families are starting to distance themselves from their employer, the Turkish government, and lay down their arms. On the other hand, reports also indicate that hard-core village guard clans are now working closely together with the Turkish nationalist party MHP. (KURD-A - November 2, 1994)